US President Joe Biden referred to his country's relationship with India as one of the "most consequential in the world" following the lavish state visit by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Washington. The potential benefits of the visit for enhancing bilateral relations are examined by the BBC's Vikas Pandey and Soutik Biswas.
At the conclusion of Mr. Modi's pomp-filled state visit to the White House, Mr. Biden declared that the US and India have "stronger, closer, and more dynamic relations than at any other time in history.".
The statement might not have been inflated. This summit indicates that the relationship has changed. According to Michael Kugelman of the American think tank The Wilson Center, "it underscores just how broad and deep it has become in a relatively short time.".
Washington's desire to bring India closer is a major factor in this, as it will allow India to act as a counterbalance to China's expanding influence in the Indo-Pacific. Due to a liability law passed by India three years after the historic civilian nuclear agreement was signed in 2005, the relationship between India and the US had not lived up to its potential.
"This came after the relationship's waning commitment during [former prime minister] Manmohan Singh's second term as the head of a coalition government. The enthusiasm for embracing the US has increased significantly under Mr. Modi. According to Seema Sirohi, author of Friends With Benefits: The India-US Story, Mr. Biden has also given a general, overarching directive to make it work.
According to Ms. Sirohi, the US made "considerable efforts to make Mr. Modi's visit substantive and have a lot of deliverables.". Technology and defense-industrial cooperation came in first. Take into account the following.
- In a "trailblazing initiative," General Electric and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, a state-owned company in India, teamed up to produce cutting-edge fighter jet engines for the nation's indigenous light combat aircraft in India. This would result in "the greatest transfer of US jet engine technology ever.". In other words, this is a blatant indication that Washington wants to sell India arms but also feels comfortable sharing military technology.
- General Atomics, which will also establish a facility in India, will continue selling the MQ-9B Predator drones to India for $3 billion. India will assemble the drones to improve its armed forces' intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities. This fits in with Prime Minister Modi's "Make in India" initiative. While Russia continues to be India's largest supplier of arms with a 45 percent market share, the US hopes to overtake it in the coming years. Currently, the US provides only 11% of India's arms. "The immediate objective of Washington is to increase India's military capability to confront China. Additionally, it is attempting to persuade Delhi that the US has the goods and equipment necessary to give India peace of mind as it begins to militarily decouple itself from Russia in the ensuing months and years, according to Mr. Kugelman.
- The goal of Mr. Modi is to establish India as a semiconductor hub. To build a semiconductor assembly and testing facility in India, memory chip giant Micron Technology of the US will spend up to $825 million. In five years, it's anticipated that this will result in up to 5,000 new direct jobs and 15,000 new community jobs.
- In order to hasten the development of India's semiconductor education and workforce, US semiconductor equipment manufacturer Lam Research plans to train 6,000 Indian engineers. Applied Materials, the largest manufacturer of equipment for fabricating semiconductors, will also contribute $400 million to the establishment of an engineering hub in India.
"The future is everything right now. Both parties are discussing cutting-edge technologies and how to plant and shape the future, according to Ms. Sirohi.
Since the US seriously started courting India, there have been many ups and downs in the relationship between India and the US, first under President Bill Clinton and then under President George W. Bush. India's response was measured, never showing excessive zeal or openness.
The cause was how India viewed geopolitics and its own position in the world order. India's foreign policy has always been firmly rooted in Jawaharlal Nehru's nonalignment strategy, which he pioneered.
India has never wanted to be associated with one side or the other or to be seen as a minor strategic ally of a superpower on the world stage. The principles of Indian foreign policy that some refer to as "strategic altruism" have not been abandoned by Mr. Modi.
But Mr. Modi is in charge of a different kind of India, one with a lot more geopolitical weight. He has taken control of US-Indian relations and developed close relationships with both Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump, as well as former presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump.
The "strategic autonomy" of India, however, has not been compromised. Washington would have preferred that India take a more aggressive stance toward China and Russia in public.
Despite Mr. Modi's repeated assertion that "this was not the era of war," the Biden administration didn't appear dismayed as he omitted any mention of Russia. The Indian prime minister did emphasize the significance of bolstering aid to Ukraine. He didn't specifically mention China either, but he did discuss the value of an Indo-Pacific region that is free and prosperous.
This is the extent to which Mr. Modi could have advanced policy without sacrificing strategic independence. Even though it may not have been Washington's preferred approach, it didn't prevent Mr. Modi's visit from being a success.
"The two militaries are collaborating more closely. As of right now, they have agreements in place that allow them to use each other's facilities for refueling and maintenance. They are conducting joint training sessions and exchanging a lot more intelligence. It's admirable that Mr. Modi was able to successfully push the boundaries of strategic autonomy. In that he is approaching a major power in a way that is comparable to getting into a full-fledged alliance, according to Mr. Kugelman.
Large trade differences over tariffs have recently existed between India and the US. During the Trump administration, trade relations particularly suffered.
The two parties weren't expected to make any significant trade announcements because it was understood that the talks could continue later without detracting from the visit.
Unexpectedly, the two parties revealed that six different trade disputes at the World Trade Organization were settled, one of which involved tariffs.
At $130 billion in goods, the US is currently India's largest trading partner, and New Delhi is Washington's eighth-largest trading partner.
Although these figures are impressive, analysts and policymakers believe there is still a great deal of unrealized potential. India is another developing market with a growing middle class that is positioning itself to challenge China as the global manufacturing center.
As they seek to end China's hegemony over the global supply chain, numerous international companies and nations are interested in the proposal. In that situation, the settlement of trade disputes will further encourage the development of India-US trade relations to their full potential.
According to Mr. Modi, "even the sky is not the limit (for India-US relations)".
Under Mr. Modi and his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), critics in Washington have questioned India's alleged "democratic backsliding.". This week, during a television interview, Mr. Obama stressed the importance of discussing "protection of the Muslim minority in a predominantly Hindu India" during the conversations between Mr. Biden and Mr. Modi.
"What is happening in India disturbs the progressives in the Democratic Party. Due to the China factor, realists and centrists are all in favor of fostering the relationship, according to Ms. Sirohi.
But overall, there is bipartisan support for expanding and deepening the partnership. According to Ms. Sirohi, India is now a strategic partner and a friend.
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